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The Historical Nights’ Entertainment
by Rafael Sabatini
First Series
PREFACEIn approaching “The Historical Nights’ Entertainment” I set myself
the task of reconstructing, in the fullest possible detail and
with all the colour available from surviving records, a group of
more or less famous events. I would select for my purpose those
which were in themselves bizarre and resulting from the interplay
of human passions, and whilst relating each of these events in the
form of a story, I would compel that story scrupulously to follow
the actual, recorded facts without owing anything to fiction, and
I would draw upon my imagination, if at all, merely as one might
employ colour to fill in the outlines which history leaves grey,
taking care that my colour should be as true to nature as possible.
For dialogue I would depend upon such scraps of actual speech as
were chronicled in each case, amplifying it by translating into
terms of speech the paraphrases of contemporary chroniclers.
Such was the task I set myself. I am aware that it has been
attempted once or twice already, beginning, perhaps, with the
“Crimes Celebres” of Alexandre Dumas. I am not aware that the
attempt has ever succeeded. This is not to say that I claim
success in the essays that follow. How nearly I may have
approached success -judged by the standard I had set myself - how
far I may have fallen short, my readers will discern. I am
conscious, however, of having in the main dutifully resisted the
temptation to take the easier road, to break away from restricting
fact for the sake of achieving a more intriguing narrative. In one
instance, however, I have quite deliberately failed, and in some
others I have permitted myself certain speculations to resolve
mysteries of which no explanation has been discovered. Of these it
is necessary that I should make a full confession.
My deliberate failure is “The Night of Nuptials.” I discovered an
allusion to the case of Charles the Bold and Sapphira Danvelt in
Macaulay’s “History of England” - quoted from an old number of the
“Spectator” - whilst I was working upon the case of Lady Alice Lisle.
There a similar episode is mentioned as being related of Colonel
Kirke, but discredited because known for a story that has a trick
of springing up to attach itself to unscrupulous captains. I set
out to track it to its source, and having found its first appearance
to be in connection with Charles the Bold’s German captain Rhynsault,
I attempted to reconstruct the event as it might have happened,
setting it at least in surroundings of solid fact.
My most flagrant speculation occurs in “The Night of Hate.” But in
defence of it I can honestly say that it is at least no more flagrant
than the speculations on this subject that have become enshrined in
history as facts. In other words, I claim for my reconstruction of
the circumstances attending the mysterious death of Giovanni Borgia,
Duke of Gandia, that it no more lacks historical authority than do
any other of the explanatory narratives adopted by history to assign
the guilt to Gandia’s brother, Cesare Borgia.
In the “Cambridge Modern History” our most authoritative writers on
this epoch have definitely pronounced that there is no evidence
acceptable to historians to support the view current for four
centuries that Cesare Borgia was the murderer.
Elsewhere I have dealt with this at length. Here let it suffice to
say that it was not until nine months after the deed that the name
of Cesare Borgia was first associated with it; that public opinion
had in the mean time assigned the guilt to a half-dozen others in
succession; that no motive for the crime is discoverable in the case
of Cesare; that the motives advanced will not bear examination, and
that they bear on the face of them the stamp of having been put
forward hastily to support an accusation unscrupulously political in
purpose; that the first men accused by the popular voice were the
Cardinal Vice-Chancellor Ascanio Sforza and his nephew Giovanni
Sforza, Tyrant of Pesaro; and, finally, that in Matarazzo’s
“Chronicles of Perugia” there is a fairly detailed account of how
the murder was perpetrated by the latter.
Matarazzo, I confess, is worthy of no more credit than any other of
the contemporary reporters of common gossip. But at least he is
worthy of no less. And it is undeniable that in Sforza’s case a
strong motive for the murder was not lacking.
My narrative in “The Night of Hate” is admittedly a purely
theoretical account of the crime. But it is closely based upon all
the known facts of incidence and of character; and if there is
nothing in the surviving records that will absolutely support it,
neither is there anything that can absolutely refute it.
In “The Night of Masquerade” I am guilty of quite arbitrarily
discovering a reason to explain the mystery of Baron Bjelke’s sudden
change from the devoted friend and servant of Gustavus III of Sweden
into his most bitter enemy. That speculation is quite indefensible,
although affording a possible explanation of that mystery. In the
case of “The Night of Kirk o’ Field,” on the other hand, I do not
think any apology is necessary for my reconstruction of the precise
manner in which Darnley met his death. The event has long been
looked upon as one of the mysteries of history - the mystery lying
in the fact that whilst the house at Kirk o’ Field was destroyed by
an explosion, Darnley’s body was found at some distance away,
together with that of his page, bearing every evidence of death by
strangulation. The explanation I adopt seems to me to owe little
to speculation.
In the story of Antonio Perez - “The Night of Betrayal” - I have
permitted myself fewer liberties with actual facts than might appear.
I have closely followed his own “Relacion,” which, whilst admittedly
a piece of special pleading, must remain the most authoritative
document of the events with which it deals. All that I have done
has been to reverse the values as Perez presents them, throwing the
personal elements into higher relief than the political ones, and
laying particular stress upon the matter of his relations with the
Princess of Eboli. “The Night of Betrayal” is presented in the form
of a story within a story. Of the containing story let me say that
whilst to some extent it is fictitious, it is by no means entirely so.
There is enough to justify most of it in the “Relaciori” itself.
The exceptions mentioned being made, I hope it may be found that I
have adhered rigorously to my purpose of owing nothing to invention
in my attempt to flesh and clothe these few bones of history.
I should add, perhaps, that where authorities differ as to motives,
where there is a conflict of evidence as to the facts themselves,
or where the facts admit of more than one interpretation, I have
permitted myself to be selective, and confined myself to a point
of view adopted at the outset.
R. S.
LONDON, August, I9I7
CONTENTS
I. THE NIGHT OF HOLYROOD
The Murder of David Rizzio
II. THE NIGHT OF KIRK O’ FIELD
The Murder of Darnley
III. THE NIGHT OF BETRAYAL
Antonio Perez and Philip II of Spain
IV. THE NIGHT OF CHARITY
The Case of the Lady Alice Lisle
V. THE NIGHT OF MASSACRE
The Story of the Saint Bartholomew
VI. THE NIGHT OF WITCHCRAFT
Louis XIV and Madame de Montespan
VII. THE NIGHT OF GEMS
The Affaire of the Queen’s Necklace
VIII. THE NIGHT OF TERROR
The Drownings at Nantes under Carrier
IX. THE NIGHT OF NUPTIALS
Charles the Bold and Sapphira Danvelt
X. THE NIGHT OF STRANGLERS
Giovanna of Naples and Andreas of Hungary
XI. THE NIGHT OF HATE
The Murder of the Duke of Gandia
XII. THE NIGHT OF ESCAPE
Casanova’s Escape from the Piombi
XIII. THE NIGHT OF MASQUERADE
The Assassination of Gustavus III of Sweden
THE HISTORICAL NIGHTS’ ENTERTAINMENT
I. THE NIGHT OF HOLYROOD
The Murder of David Rizzio
The tragedy of my Lord Darnley’s life lay in the fact that he was
a man born out of his proper station - a clown destined to kingship
by the accident of birth and fortune. By the blood royal flowing
in his veins, he could, failing others, have claimed succession to
both the English and the Scottish thrones, whilst by his marriage
with Mary Stuart he made a definite attempt to possess himself of
that of Scotland.
The Queen of Scots, enamoured for a season of the clean-limbed grace
and almost feminine beauty (“ladyfaced,” Melville had called him
once) of this “long lad of nineteen” who came a-wooing her, had soon
discovered, in matrimony, his vain, debauched, shiftless, and
cowardly nature. She had married him in July of 1565, and by
Michaelmas she had come to know him for just a lovely husk of a man,
empty of heart or brain; and the knowledge transmuted affection into
contempt.
Her natural brother, the Earl of Murray, had opposed the marriage,
chiefly upon the grounds that Darnley was a Catholic, and with
Argyll, Chatellerault, Glencairn, and a host of other Protestant
lords, had risen in arms against his sovereign and her consort. But
Mary had chased her rebel brother and his fellows over the border
into England, and by this very action, taken for the sake of her
worthless husband, she sowed the first seeds of discord between
herself and him. It happened that stout service had been rendered
her in this affair by the arrogant border ruffian, the Earl of
Bothwell. Partly to reward him, partly because of the confidence
with which he inspired her, she bestowed upon him the office of
Lieutenant-General of the East, Middle, and West Marches - an office
which Darnley had sought for his father, Lennox. That was the first
and last concerted action of the royal couple. Estrangement grew
thereafter between them, and, in a measure, as it grew so did
Darnley’s kingship, hardly established as yet - for the Queen had
still to redeem her pre-nuptial promise to confer upon him the crown
matrimonial - begin to dwindle.
At first it had been “the King and Queen,” or “His Majesty and Hers”;
but by Christmas - five months after the wedding - Darnley was known
simply as “the Queen’s husband,” and in all documents the Queen’s
name now took precedence of his, whilst coins bearing their two
heads, and the legend “Hen. et Maria,” were called in and substituted
by a new coinage relegating him to the second place.
Deeply affronted, and seeking anywhere but in himself and his own
shortcomings the cause of the Queen’s now manifest hostility, he
presently conceived that he had found it in the influence exerted
upon her by the Seigneur Davie - that Piedmontese, David Rizzio,
who had come to the Scottish Court some four years ago as a
starveling minstrel in the train of Monsieur de Morette, the
ambassador of Savoy.
It was Rizzio’s skill upon the rebec that had first attracted
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