A Forgotten Empire: Vijayanagar, Robert Sewell [books under 200 pages .TXT] 📗

entered into the king’s presence, holding in his hand a dish covered with betel-nut, under which was concealed a brilliant poignard. He said to the monarch, ‘The hall is ready and they only wait your august presence.’

“The king, following the maxim which declares that eminent men receive an inspiration from heaven, said to him, ‘I am not in good health to-day.’

“This unnatural brother, thus losing the hope of enticing the king to his house, drew his poignard, and struck him therewith several violent blows, so that the prince fell at the back of his throne. The traitor, thus believing that the king was dead, left there one of his confidants to cut off the monarch’s head; then going out of the hall he ascended the portico of the palace, and thus addressed the people: ‘I have slain the king, his brothers, and such and such emirs, Brahmins, and viziers; now I am king.’

“Meanwhile his emissary had approached the throne with the intention of cutting off the king’s head, but that prince, seizing the seat behind which he had fallen, struck the wretch with it with so much violence on the chest that he fell upon his back. The king then, with the help of one of his guards, who at the sight of this horrible transaction had hidden himself in a corner, slew this assassin, and went out of the palace by way of the harem.

“His brother, still standing on the steps of the hall of council, invited the multitude to recognise him as their king. At that moment the monarch cried out, ‘I am alive. I am well and safe. Seize that wretch.’

“The whole crowd assembled together threw themselves upon the guilty prince and put him to death.

“The only one who escaped was Danaik, the vizier, who previously to this sad event had gone on a voyage to the frontier of Ceylon. The king sent a courier to him to invite him to return, and informed him of what had just occurred. All those who had in any way aided in the conspiracy were put to death. Men in great numbers were slain, flayed, burnt alive, and their families entirely exterminated. The man who had brought the letters of invitation was put to the last degree of torture….”

Nuniz states that the king died six months later and was succeeded by his son, but Abdur Razzak declares that he was presented in person to Deva Raya about the month of December 1443. The name of Deva Raya’s son is not given by Nuniz, nor yet the length of his reign; he only states that he did nothing worth relating except to give enormous charities to temples. This king again was succeeded by a son called “Verupaca Rao,” who must be identical with Virupaksha, and Nuniz dates from his reign the commencement of the troubles that led to the usurpation of Narasimha and the downfall of the first dynasty.

But before putting together the confusing records of this period I must revert to the events of the year A.D. 1443.

“At this period,” says Abdur Razzak, referring to the second half of the year 1443, “Danaik114 the vizier set out on an expedition into the kingdom of Kalbarga.” The reasons which had led to this invasion were as follows: Sultan Ala-ud-din had heard of the treacherous attempt to kill the king of Vijayanagar and the murder of the nobles and Principal people, and he had sent a message to the king demanding payment of “seven lakhs of varahas,” as he thought the moment auspicious for an attempt to crush the kingdom. “Diou-rai, the king of Bidjanagar, was equally troubled and irritated by the receipt of such a message,” but he sent a brave answer and prepared for war.

“Troops were sent out on both sides, which made great ravages on the frontiers of the two kingdoms…. Danaik, after having nit de an invasion upon the frontiers of the country of Kalbarga, and taken several unfortunate prisoners, had retraced his steps….”

Firishtah also describes this war of A.D. 1443. He states that Deva Raya wantonly attacked the Bahmani princes —

“crossed the Tummedra suddenly, took the fortress of Mudkul, sent his sons to besiege Roijore and Beekapore, encamped himself along the bank of the Kistnan, and sent out detachments, who plundered the country as far as Saugher and Beejapore, laying waste by fire and sword.

“Sultan Alla ud Dien, upon intelligence of this invasion, prepared to repel it, and commanded all his forces from Telingana, Dowlutabad, and Berar to repair to the capital of Ahmedabad without delay. Upon their arrival he reviewed the whole, and found his army composed of fifty thousand horse, sixty thousand foot, and a considerable train of artillery. With this force he began to march against the enemy; and Deo Roy, upon his approach, shifted his ground, and encamped under the walls of the fortress of Mudkul, detaching a large body to harass the sultan.

“The sultan halted at the distance of twelve miles from Mudkul, and despatched Mallek al Tijar with the troops of Dowlutabad against the sons of Deo Roy;[115] also Khan Zummaun, governor of Beejapore, and Khan Azim, commander of the forces of Berar and Telingana, against the main body of the enemy. Mallek-al-Tijar, going first to Roijore, gave battle to the eldest son of Deo Roy, who was wounded in the action, and fled towards Beekapore, from whence he was joined by his younger brother, who quitted the siege of that fortress.

“In the space of two months, three actions happened near Mudkul between the two grand armies; in the first of which multitudes were slain on both sides, and the Hindoos having the advantage, the mussulmauns experienced great difficulties.[116] The sultan was successful in the others; and in the last, the eldest son of Deo Roy was killed by a spear thrown at him by Khan Zummaun, which event struck the Hindoos with a panic, and they fled with the greatest precipitation into the fortress of Mudkul.”

Two chief Muhammadan officers, in the ardour of pursuit, entered the city with the fugitives, and were captured by the Hindus.

Deo Roy then sent a message to the Sultan that if he would promise never again to molest his territories he would pay the stipulated tribute annually, and return the two prisoners. This was accepted, a treaty was executed, and the prisoners returned with the tribute and added presents; and till the end of Deva Raya’s reign both parties observed their agreement.

From the terms of the agreement we gather that, though Firishtah does not expressly mention it, tribute had been demanded by the Sultan, and this confirms the account given by Abdur Razzak. It also shows why the “Danaik” in Abdur Razzak’s narrative had not returned covered with glory, but merely, having “taken several unfortunate prisoners, had retraced his steps.”

The campaign must have been of short duration, since, while it began in A.H. 847 (May 1, A.D. 1443, to April 19, 1444) according to Firishtah, it was over before December 1443 when Abdur Razzak left Vijayanagar.

The narrative being thus brought down to the close of the year 1443, let us, before passing on, turn to other records and see what they tell us about the reign of Deva Raya II. I have already stated that he appears to have been very young at his accession in A.D. 1419. In 1443 he had already reigned twenty-four years. Now the Hakluyt translation of Abdur Razzak’s chronicle states that Razzak saw King Deva Raya II. in 1443, and the India Office copy contains the additional information that the king was then “exceedingly young.” I am not aware which version is the more accurate. But even if these added words be accepted as part of the original, the difficulty is capable of being explained away by the supposition that perhaps the ambassador was presented to one of the princes and not to the king himself. The king appears to have been in doubt as to whether the traveller was not an impostor in representing himself as an envoy from Persia, and may have refrained from granting a personal interview.

Several inscriptions of the reign are extant. One records a proclamation made in the king’s name in A.D. 1426.[117] According to another bearing a date corresponding to Wednesday, October 16, in the same year,[118] he caused a Jain temple to be erected in the capital, in a street called the “Pan Supari Bazaar.” This temple is situated south-west of the temple marked as No. 35 on the Government map. It is within the enclosure of the royal palace, and close to the rear of the elephant stables still standing. The king is honoured in this inscription with the full imperial title of MAHARAJADHIRAJA RAJAPARAMESVARA. The site of this bazaar is thus definitely established. It lay on either side of the road which ran along the level dry ground direct from the palace gate, near the temple of HAZARA RAMASVAMI, in a north-easterly direction, to join the road which now runs to the Tungabhadra ferry through the fortified gate on the south side of the river immediately opposite Anegundi. It passed along the north side of the Kallamma and Rangasvami temples, leaving the imperial office enclosure with its lofty walls and watch-towers, and the elephant stables, on the left, skirted the Jain temple and the temple numbered “35″ on the plan, and passed along under the rocky hills that bound this plain on the north till it debouched on the main road above mentioned. This street would be the direct approach from the old city of Anegundi to the king’s palace.

In A.D. 1430 the king made a grant to a temple far in the south in the Tanjore district.[119] There are two inscriptions of his reign dated respectively in 1433 — 34 and 1434 — 35 A.D. at Padavedu in North Arcot.[120] If, as stated by Nuniz, King Deva Raya II. died a few months after his attempted assassination, and if Abdur Razzak saw him in December 1443, we are led to the belief that he died early in 1444. Definite proof is, however, wanting. Other inscriptions must be carefully examined before we can arrive at any certain conclusion. Thus an inscription at Sravana Belgola, of date corresponding to Tuesday, May 24 A.D. 1446, published by Professor Kielhorn,[121] relates to the death on that day of “Pratapa Deva Raya;” and as it is couched in very curious and interesting terms, I give the translation in full —

“In the evil year Kshaya, in the wretched (month) second Vaisakha, on a miserable Tuesday, in a fortnight which was the reverse of bright,[122] on the fourteenth day, the unequalled store of valour (PRATAPA) Deva Raya, alas! met with death.”

But since royal titles are not given to the deceased, he may have been only a prince of the blood. An inscription at Tanjore, also dated in A.D. 1446, mentions the name Deva Raya, but gives no further royal titles than the BIRUDA — “Lord of the four oceans.”[123] An inscription bearing date corresponding to Saturday, August 2 A.D. 1449, at Conjeeveram,[124] records a grant by a king called Vira Pratapa Praudha-Immadi-Deva Raya, to whom full royal titles are given.

It is provoking that Nuniz omits the name of the successor of Deva Raya II., as known to tradition in the sixteenth century, for this might have helped us to a decision. At present it looks as though there had been a Deva Raya III. reigning from A.D. 1444 to 1449; but this point cannot as yet be settled.

Mr. Rice has shown that one of the ministers of Deva Raya II. was named Naganna; he had the title “Dhannayaka,” implying command of the army.

CHAPTER 7

The City of Vijayanagar in the Reign of Deva Raya II. (A.D. 1420 (?), 1443)

Description given by Nicolo