A Forgotten Empire: Vijayanagar, Robert Sewell [books under 200 pages .TXT] 📗

[73] — 21st Rajab A.H. 799. The 26th according to the BURHAN-I MAAZIR.

[74] — See Rice’s “Mysore Inscriptions,” p. 55 (A.D. 1379); JOURNAL BOMBAY BRANCH ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, xii. 340 (A.D. 1399).

[75] — See above, p. 28. Professor Aufrecht believes that Sayana died A.D. 1387.

[76] — “Mysore Inscriptions,” p. 226.

[77] — JOURNAL BOMBAY BRANCH ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, ix. 227.

[78] — In this the king is called “MAHAMANDALESVARA, son of Vira Bukka Udaiyar, Lord of the four seas.”

[79] — EPIG. IND., iii. pp. 115 — 116.

[80] — OP. CIT., p. 119.

[81] — 17th Ramazan A.H. 799 (Firishtah).

[82] — 23rd Safar A.H. 800 (Firishtah).

[83] — EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, iii. 36, N. 3.

[84] — Firishtah (Scott, p. 76).

[85] — Rather, I think, basket-boats. These are described in the text of Paes (below, p. 259) as being in use on these rivers in the sixteenth century, just as they are to-day. They are circular in shape, and are made of wickerwork of split bamboo covered all over outside with leather. Colonel Briggs, writing of these boats (Firishtah, ii. 371), in a footnote says, “A detachment of the British army crossed its heavy guns without even dismounting them over the Toongbudra in 1812 in these basket-boats.”

[86] — These women always accompanied the Raya’s armies. Nuniz says that large numbers of them were at the Hindu camp at Raichur in 1520.

[87] — A stringed instrument.

[88] — Youths trained to sing and dance in public.

[89] — Assessed at “near [pound sterling]400,000″ (Scott, Firishtah, p. 79, note).

[90] — “Mysore Inscriptions,” Rice, p. 279, No. 150. Professor Kielhorn in IND. ANT., xxiv. p. 204, No. 304, and note.

[91] — “South Indian Inscriptions,” i. 82 (Dr. Hultzsch).

[92] — We must remember that the narrator is a loyal Muhammadan. Mudkal was in the tract always in dispute between the two kingdoms.

[93] — About forty miles north.

[94] — Briggs gives her name as “Nehal.”

[95] — Briggs says, “In the beginning of the year 809.” This would be the month of June, and the months following would have been unfavourable for the march of armies. I prefer Scott’s rendering.

[96] — Firishtah generally calls this place “Beekapore” (Scott, i. 47, 69, 85, 86 &c.), but on p. 301 he spells the name “Binkapore.” Bankapur was one of the principal fortresses in the Carnatic. It is the “Bengapor” or “Vengapor” of our chronicles. (See below, p. 122.)

[97] — This again points to the Muhammadan camp having been in the neighbourhood of Hospett, south of Vijayanagar.

[98] — “Plates of gold filled with incense and silver flowers.” — Briggs (ii. 386).

[99] — This square is the open space mentioned by both Nuniz and Paes. On the left of it, as the cortege advanced, was the palace.

[100] — Scott has it “Mankul” (i. 90), but Briggs (ii. 389) corrects this into “Pangul,” which is undoubtedly correct.

[101] — His grandfather, Deva Raya I., was young enough at the beginning of his reign (A.D. 1406) to plunge into amorous intrigues and adventures, and he reigned only seven years at most. His son and successor, Vijaya, reigned only six years. Vijaya’s son, Deva Raya II., therefore, was probably a mere boy when he came to the throne in A.D. 1419.

[102] — PINA = CHINNA (Telugu) or CHIKKA (Kanarese), and means “little” or “young.” (See the tale told by Barradas below, p. 222 ff., of the events of 1614 A.D.) The name is very common in Southern India, and was generally applied to the Crown Prince.

[103] — 7th Shawwal A.H. 825. Firishtah, (Scott) p. 95, gives the length of the reign, and his figures yield this result.

[104] — The spot-was therefore probably close to one of the old irrigation channels, supplied by dams constructed across this river under the Rayas.

[105] — It is difficult to reconcile this story with the fact of the Raya’s tender age at this date, for I think it is certain that he was then quite a boy. Is it possible that the Muhammadan chroniclers, from whom Firishtah obtained the narrative, mistook for the king an adult member of the family who commanded the army? Such mistakes were certainly made in later years. The chroniclers seem to have taken little pains to ascertain the actual names of the Hindu kings. It must, however, be noted that a little later on Firishtah speaks of Deva Raya’s son.

[106] — There is no clue as to where this event took place, except that it was not very close to Vijayanagar. The Sultan must have been near some hills with a plain below, because he met with open ground difficult for a horse to cross, in his eagerness to reach a mud enclosure in a plain. The description is applicable to numberless places in the vicinity, and it is useless to speculate. As he was on horseback, it is possible that he was riding down antelope.

[107] — Before Ahmad’s accession, his brother, the late Sultan Firuz, had designed, in order to secure the throne for his own son Hasan, that Ahmad, should be blinded. Ahmad was warned of this and left Kulbarga in time to secure his safety.

[108] — This is the Muhammadan version. Nothing is said regarding this tribute by Firishtah in describing the terms of the peace of 1399 A.D. It is possible, however, that tribute was really paid. It had apparently been exacted by Muhammad Shaw Bahmani, and agreed to by Bukka Raya I. who confirmed the arrangement on the accession of Daud Shah’s brother Muhammad (See above, p. 47.)

[109] — This looks as if he was really paraded with ignominy as a vanquished inferior, and so displayed to the Muhammadan troops. If he had desired to do him honour, the Sultan himself would have met the prince and personally escorted him, as representing his father. Moreover, the prince was only permitted to sit at the foot of the throne, and was taken, almost as a prisoner, for many days with the army till it reached the Krishna river.

[110] — 8th Rajab A.H. 838 (Firishtah). The BURHAN-I MAASIR says 22nd Rajab.

[111] — Firishtah (Scott), i. 118.

[112] — Estates.

[113] — Below, p. 303.

[114] — DANAIK, a word which the traveller apparently took for a proper name, is simply “the commander” — DHANNAYAKA.

[115] — As to Deva Raya’s age see above, p. 63. He had now been on the throne for twenty-four years.

[116] — These words appear to confirm Abdur Razzak’s statement.

[117] — Saka 1348 current, year Visvavasu (“Asiatic Researches,” xx. p. 22; Hultzsch’s “South Indian Inscriptions,” i. 82).

[118] — OP. CIT., p. 160 Saka 1349 current, cyclic year Parabhava, on the full moon day of the month Karttika.

[119] — Hultzsch’s “South Indian Inscriptions,” i. p. 79. Fifth Karkataka Sukla, Saka 1353 current, year Sadharana. The donor’s name is given as Vira Pratapa Deva Raya Maharaya and he is styled MAHAMANDALESVARA, “Lord of the four oceans.”

[120] — OP. CIT. p. 109. They both give the king full royal titles.

[121] — IND. ANT., xxv. 346.

[122] — I.E. the second or dark half (KRISHNA PAKSHA) of the month.

[123] — Hultzsch’s “South Indian Inscriptions,” ii. 339. The date is Saka 1863 expired, year Kshaya, Wednesday the fifth day of the bright half of the month, on the day of the Nakshatra Purva Phalguni.

[124] — Hultzsch’s “South Indian Inscriptions,” i. 110. Saka 1371 expired, year Sukla, Saturday 13th Sukla of the month of Simha, on the day of the Nakshatra Uttarashadha.

[125] — The termination IA is appended to many Indian names by Bracciolini; thus “Pacamuria” for Bacanor, the Portuguese way of spelling Barkur, “Cenderghiria” for Chandragiri, “Odeschiria” for Udayagiri, and so on.

[126] — JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, vol. xiv. Part ii. p. 518.

[127] — Text of Paes, below, p. 281. I have discussed in full the dates given by the chronicler in considering the question as to the year of the battle of Raichur (see pp. 140 — 147).

[128] — The stone balls, generally made of quartzose granite, which are so often found in the country about Vijayanagar on the sites of old forts, were probably intended to be projected from these weapons. They are often called “cannon-balls,” but could hardly have been fired from guns, as they would have broken up under the discharge and have seriously injured the piece.

[129] — About the same time, viz., 1436, Barbaro (Hakluyt Society, “Travels of Barbaro,” p. 58), speaking of his sojourn in Tartary, wrote: “At which time, talking of Cataio, he tolde me howe the chief of that princes corte knewe well enough what the Franchi were … We Cataini have twoo eyes, and yow Franchi one, whereas yow (torneing him towards the Tartares that were wth him) have never a one.” The coincidence is curious.

[130] — The Samuri of Calicut.

[131] — Sir H. Elliot (“History,” iv. 103, note) has “BIDRUR” as Abdur Razzak’s spelling. The place alluded to was probably Bednur.

[132] — This was in A.H. 846, and corresponds to the end of April A.D. 1443.

[133] — Below, p. 253.

[134] — I.E. about seven miles. It is actually about eight miles if measured from the extreme south point of the first line of defence northwards to the river. Razzak evidently did not include the walls of Anegundi, the northern lines of which lie two miles farther still to the north.

[135] — The descriptions are rather vague, but, if I am right in supposing that there was a long bazaar called the Pansupari bazaar, along the road leading from the palace gate to the Anegundi gate on the river, it must certainly have been crossed by another road, and probably therefore a road lined with shops, leading from the Kamalapura gate of the inner enclosure northwards to the great Hampi temple. Close to the gate of the palace proper these roads would intersect at right angles, and would form four separate bazaars or streets. The galleries and porticoes are now not in existence, but the remains in the street running east from the Hampi temple will show what the galleries were like in those days. This last street alone is half a mile long.

[136] — Remains of these are still to be seen not far from the “Ladies’ Bath.” There was a long trough that conveyed the water, and on each side were depressions which may have been hollowed for the reception of round vessels of different sizes, intended to hold water for household use.

[137] — “The DEWAN KHANAH resembles a forty-pillared hall” (Sir H. Elliot’s translation, “History,” iv. 108). I am doubtful as to what building is referred to. The Hakluyt translator’s rendering seems to point to the great enclosure west of the elephant stables, which has been called the “Zenana.” I know of no hall exactly answering to Sir Henry Elliot’s description. The lofty walls with watch-towers at the angles WHICH surround the enclosure referred to would be just such as might be supposed to have been erected for the protection of the royal archives and offices of the kingdom — the “Dewan Khana.” If so, the “hall” in front would be the structure to which has been fancifully given the name of “the concert-hall.” This hall, or DAFTAR-KHANA, would be the usual working office of the Minister and his colleagues — the office of daily work or courthouse, the necessary documents and records being brought to and from the central offices in the enclosure.

[138] — Roughly, twenty yards by seven. It is difficult to understand the height mentioned.

[139] — I give this word as in the India Office copy. The Hakluyt edition has DAIANG, which seems incorrect.

[140] — Officers with staves, generally covered with silver.

[141] — Abdur