Malaysian Maverick: Mahathir Mohamad in Turbulent Times, Barry Wain [best mystery novels of all time .txt] 📗

had chosen carefully as his successor Abdullah Badawi, an experienced, modest and affable veteran, over the younger, better educated and more vigorous Najib Razak. Abdullah, 63, was familiar with Dr. Mahathir's thinking, having served in most of his cabinets in such senior portfolios as education, defence and foreign affairs. Najib, 50, a bit on the young side, Dr. Mahathir reasoned, could step in after Abdullah had served a single term.[4] Abdullah's only blemish was that he had backed Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah in challenging Dr. Mahathir for the leadership of UMNO in 1987. But Abdullah had not joined Tengku Razaleigh's breakaway faction, and Dr. Mahathir had forgiven him and restored his ministerial rank after three years and nine months on the backbenches. Before taking over, Abdullah envisaged no major policy shifts. He said, "My vision for Malaysia is Vision 2020," which was Dr. Mahathir's blueprint and target to join the First World.

Privately, however, Dr. Mahathir had second thoughts about Abdullah, who declined to give a commitment in advance to name Najib as his deputy, for the fairly obvious reason that Najib was his strongest rival in the party. In response to a letter from Dr. Mahathir, Abdullah said he could not decide until he became prime minister.[5] Dr. Mahathir discussed his misgivings with a confidant, former finance minister Daim Zainuddin, who suggested it was still not too late to hand the reins to Najib instead. But Dr. Mahathir worried that the public would condemn him if, at the eleventh hour, he ditched his fourth deputy. "I've already had three deputy prime ministers," he told Daim. "If I do it again, people might say it's me, not my deputy," who is the problem.[6]

As Abdullah prepared to take office, he appointed trusted aides to run Bernama, the national news agency, and TV3, the country's biggest private television station. Three weeks into the job he sacked the editor-in-chief of the New Straits Times publishing group, Abdullah Ahmad, ostensibly for writing a commentary that offended a foreign government. In fact, Abdullah Ahmad was replaced because he was a Mahathir ally who was pressuring the new prime minister in print to confirm Najib. "Don't tie my hands," an irritated premier told Abdullah Ahmad. "I want a free choice."[7] Dr. Mahathir and Abdullah Ahmad feared his choice would be Muhyiddin Yassin, another UMNO vice president, who was close to the prime minister.[8] After two long months as prime minister, during which Malaysia had no leadership succession in place, Abdullah made Najib deputy UMNO president and deputy premier.

While that was the outcome Dr. Mahathir sought, he had just about lost faith in Abdullah. Subsequent events convinced him that he had made an horrendous mistake, and that it was incumbent upon him to force Abdullah to mend his ways or step aside.

Abdullah was known affectionately as Pak Lah — Uncle Abdullah, with his name shortened to the final syllable — a moniker that summed him up neatly: He was mild, moderate and, with the habits of a former civil servant, steeply inclined towards consultation and consensus. The contrast was striking with the energetic and confident Dr. Mahathir, who made decisions faster than he consulted his cabinet colleagues, and found targets of scorn and derision almost daily.

Ironically, it was Abdullah's need to prove himself — after all, he had been installed in the top job, unchallenged, by just one man — that provided the first systematic critique of Dr. Mahathir's record. Abdullah's agenda, which he gradually warmed to under the influence of a small coterie of unofficial advisers, had the effect of reviewing Dr. Mahathir's performance in a way that was beyond contemplation when he still held office. As some of the dark side of Malaysia's hard charge to modernity was exposed, Dr. Mahathir joined the debate, confrontational as ever, and it became nothing less than a bare-knuckle brawl over his legacy.

The appointment of Abdullah loyalists to key media posts assumed added significance as the drama unfolded and the two fought a political battle that kept the country variously enthralled, amused and appalled for the next three years. Devoting his "retirement" to undermining Abdullah's administration, Dr. Mahathir wrote another chapter in his extraordinary political career. It was bizarre at times, as he criticized policies and attacked ministers who, until recently, had been long-time cabinet colleagues and faithful followers. Forced to take sides, they protected their positions and observed Malay feudal tradition by lining up, to a person, behind their current leader, Abdullah. Finally, though, Abdullah was undone largely by his own incompetence and fading electoral appeal. In an effort to keep the heat on him, Dr. Mahathir quit UMNO in protest in 2008, only to rejoin in triumph in 2009 after helping force Abdullah into retirement early in his second term.

The subdued Abdullah won favour early for merely being himself and lowering the volume of politics. He took a conscious decision to limit his exposure to the media and not seek the saturation coverage that had become standard for the leader.[9] What would normally be an obstacle to leadership, his lack of sparkle, actually was an asset in the circumstances. After being lectured, hectored and admonished for so long, Malaysians relished a well-earned respite. Pak Lah's arrival helped engender a mood of relief, even elation, over the promise of a fresh start.

Yet once Abdullah settled comfortably in the prime minister's seat, he felt it necessary to emerge from Dr. Mahathir's shadow. Malaysians were gratified that the transition, the fourth since independence in 1957, had gone smoothly, once more confirming the essential and enviable stability of the political system. But they wanted to know if the pre-selected Abdullah was his own man. When he spoke, was it his, or his master's voice, they heard? The distinction was more than academic, for large numbers of them looked to the newcomer for change, despite the accolades that echoed for Dr. Mahathir.

Writer and journalist Rehman Rashid observed that the style of governance was giving way from magisterial to managerial in a Malaysia assembled