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state-owned Bank Bumiputra, both incumbents; and Dr. Mahathir, the education minister. Ghafar and Dr. Mahathir were tightly aligned with Razak. Tengku Razaleigh, a businessman-banker who owed his rise in the party to Razak's sponsorship, positioned himself in the centre of the ideological struggle.[36]

Razak was equally adamant who was to be stopped: Syed Jaafar Albar, dubbed the Lion of UMNO, and Harun Idris, UMNO Youth leader and chief minister of Selangor state,[37] who were hard-core Tunku supporters; Muhammad Ghazali Shafie, the home affairs minister, regarded by the Razak camp as a political opportunist; and Hamzah Abu Samah, trade and industry minister and another brother-in-law of Razak. Harun, Syed Jaafar Albar and Ghazali were politically unacceptable, while Razak would face accusations of nepotism if Hamzah were elected. Razak told Abdullah to make sure the four did not win "in that order". He said the abrasive Abdullah could "use his big stick" and Razak's name because he did not want them to be elected "at any cost".[38]

Apart from working the ground at divisional level to get the votes and avoid last-minute defections, Abdullah planned to have Razak influence the outcome of the election by endorsing his three preferred candidates in his opening speech. Alert to that possibility, Tunku supporters on the Supreme Council, at its last meeting before the General Assembly, warned him not to mention personal preferences. As a ploy, Razak suggested that Senu Abdul Rahman, UMNO's secretary general and a known Tunku ally, check a draft of the speech, which Abdullah had prepared. Senu left the room and returned about half an hour later to report finding no mention of names. In fact, Razak's choice of Senu was deliberate, as he was the sort of person without the patience to comb his way line by line through a lengthy document. The names of Ghafar, Tengku Razaleigh and Dr. Mahathir were there, but he missed them. Breaking his promise to the Supreme Council, Razak read that speech, drawing audible objections from a few delegates.[39] The three were duly elected, and in Razak's preferred order.

Ghazali Shafie, who saw himself as a future prime minister, was particularly upset by his failure to win a vice president's slot. Indeed, the dynamic Ghazali, a former permanent secretary of the foreign ministry who rose to prominence with the National Operations Council during emergency rule, was humiliated to trail the field. Flamboyant and brimming with confidence, however, "King Ghaz" or simply "Ghaz", as he was known, never relinquished his ambition to lead the country, and plotted to make it a reality.

Ghazali actually found himself in contention when Razak died in January 1976 — unexpectedly, since most people did not know he was ill — and the leadership of Malaysia was thrown wide open. Razak was succeeded by Hussein Onn, who had suffered a heart attack the previous year and was unlikely to remain as prime minister for more than one term. Although party tradition indicated Hussein should choose one of the party's three elected vice presidents, he initially favoured Ghazali. Hussein told associates that Ghazali was familiar with international relations, had the most recognized name in the region and was popular with neighbours such as Indonesia and Singapore.[40]

In fact, the Indonesian government took the extraordinary step of urging Hussein to appoint Ghazali, rather than Dr. Mahathir, in the interests of enhancing Indonesia-Malaysia relations.[41] The Indonesians were familiar with Ghazali from Confrontation days, when he was Malaysia's prime interlocutor in bilateral ties. According to Dr. Mahathir, Indonesian intelligence chief Ali Murtopo visited Kuala Lumpur and spoke with Hussein, indicating a preference for Ghazali.[42]

When Hussein looked like he might bypass Ghafar, Tengku Razaleigh and Dr. Mahathir, they met several times among themselves and then called on him at his office and presented the case for maintaining tradition. He was left in no doubt that they would hesitate to serve in a government in which one of them was not deputy prime minister. Notoriously indecisive, Hussein agonized for more than six weeks over his choice. Ghafar, the most senior vice president, lacked higher education and social graces, and was not comfortable speaking English. Tengku Razaleigh was, in many ways, his ideal: royal, sophisticated and dependable. But, as Tengku Razaleigh himself volunteered, he had several strikes against him. Still under 40, he was on the young side, lacked cabinet experience and was not married, which did not sit well with some Malays. Dr. Mahathir, the most junior of the vice presidents, got the nod.

Not close to Hussein, Dr. Mahathir was as surprised as anybody. He speculated that Hussein could have relied on some advice an ill Razak gave him. Dr. Mahathir said that when he went to see Hussein, as Razak was being treated in London, Hussein "did tell me that Tun Razak told him if he had any problem to call me".[43] Hussein might also have been influenced by Tengku Razaleigh, who said Hussein had told him privately he was the best person for the job. "I said no," said Tengku Razaleigh, who ruled himself out on grounds of youth, inexperience and his single status. "So I suggested it is Dr. Mahathir."[44] Hussein could have relied, too, on the opinion of Musa Hitam, another cabinet member, who was asked by the prime minister to write an analysis of the merits of every potential deputy premier. "I strongly recommended Dr. Mahathir," Musa said.[45]

However he reached his decision, Hussein was deeply troubled by his choice of Dr. Mahathir as deputy party president and deputy prime minister. Before announcing it, Hussein called on Tunku Abdul Rahman, who would not have welcomed Dr. Mahathir's promotion. As the Tunku related the story, Hussein arrived at his house in Kuala Lumpur, kissed his hand in the normal greeting, sat down in a chair and stared at the floor. After half an hour, without saying a word, Hussein stood, begged to leave in the usual way, and departed. The Tunku told close friends it was all very strange, but he surmised that the extremely polite and gentlemanly Hussein

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