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silence, Lord Marney relinquishing controversy, assumed the positive. He eulogized the new Poor Law, which he declared would be the salvation of the country, provided it was “carried out” in the spirit in which it was developed in the Marney Union; but then he would add that there was no district except their union in which it was properly observed. He was tremendously fierce against allotments and analysed the system with merciless sarcasm, Indeed he had no inconsiderable acquaintance with the doctrines of the economists, and was rather inclined to carry them into practice in every instance, except that of the landed proprietary, which he clearly proved “stood upon different grounds” to that of any other “interest.” There was nothing he hated so much as a poacher, except a lease; though perhaps in the catalogue of his aversions, we ought to give the preference to his anti-ecclesiastical prejudice: this amounted even to acrimony. Though there was no man breathing who was possessed with such a strong repugnance to subscriptions of any kind, it delighted Lord Marney to see his name among the contributors to all sectarian institutions. The vicar of Marney, who had been presented by himself, was his model of a priest: he left everybody alone. Under the influence of Lady Marney, the worthy vicar had once warmed up into some ebullition of very low church zeal; there was some talk of an evening lecture, the schools were to be remodelled, certain tracts were actually distributed. But Lord Marney soon stopped all this. “No priestcraft at Marney,” said this gentle proprietor of abbey lands.

“I wanted very much to come and canvass for you,” said Lady Marney to Egremont, “but George did not like it.”

“The less the family interfered the better,” said Lord Marney; “and for my part, I was very much alarmed when I heard my mother had gone down.”

“Oh! my mother did wonders,” said Egremont: “we should have been beat without her. Indeed, to tell the truth, I quite gave up the thing the moment they started their man. Before that we were on velvet; but the instant he appeared everything was changed, and I found some of my warmest supporters, members of his committee.”

“You had a formidable opponent, Lord Marney told me,” said Sir Vavasour. “Who was he?”

“Oh! a dreadful man! A Scotchman, richer than Croesus, one McDruggy, fresh from Canton, with a million of opium in each pocket, denouncing corruption, and bellowing free trade.”

“But they do not care much for free trade in the old borough?” said Lord Marney.

“No, it was a mistake,” said Egremont, “and the cry was changed the moment my opponent was on the ground. Then all the town was placarded with ‘Vote for McDruggy and our young Queen,’ as if he had coalesced with her Majesty.”

“My mother must have been in despair,” said Lord Marney.

“We issued our placard instantly of ‘Vote for our young Queen and Egremont,’ which was at least more modest, and turned out more popular.”

“That I am sure was my mother,” said Lord Marney.

“No,” said Egremont; “it was the effusion of a far more experienced mind. My mother was in hourly communication with headquarters, and Mr. Taper sent down the cry by express.”

“Peel, in or out, will support the Poor Law,” said Lord Marney, rather audaciously, as he reseated himself after the ladies had retired. “He must;” and he looked at his brother, whose return had in a great degree been secured by crying that Poor Law down.

“It is impossible,” said Charles, fresh from the hustings, and speaking from the card of Taper, for the condition of the people was a subject of which he knew nothing.

“He will carry it out,” said Lord Marney, “you’ll see, or the land will not support him.”

“I wish,” said Sir Vavasour, “we could manage some modification about outdoor relief.”

“Modification!” said Lord Marney; “why there has been nothing but modification. What we want is stringency.”

“The people will never bear it,” said Egremont; “there must be some change.”

“You cannot go back to the abuses of the old system,” said Captain Grouse, making, as he thought, a safe observation.

“Better go back to the old system, than modify the new,” said Lord Marney.

“I wish the people would take to it a little more,” said Sir Vavasour; “they certainly do not like it in our parish.”

“The people are very contented here, eh Slimsey?” said Lord Marney.

“Very,” said the vicar.

Hereupon a conversation took place, principally sustained by the earl and the baronet, which developed all the resources of the great parochial mind. Dietaries, bastardy, gaol regulations, game laws, were amply discussed; and Lord Marney wound up with a declaration of the means by which the country might be saved, and which seemed principally to consist of high prices and low church.

“If the sovereign could only know her best friends,” said Sir Vavasour, with a sigh.

Lord Marney seemed to get uneasy.

“And avoid the fatal mistakes of her predecessor,” continued the baronet.

“Charles, another glass of claret,” said the earl.

“She might yet rally round the throne a body of men⁠—”

“Then we will go to the ladies,” said the earl, abruptly disturbing his guest.

II

There was music as they re-entered the drawing-room. Sir Vavasour attached himself to Egremont.

“It is a great pleasure for me to see you again, Mr. Egremont;” said the worthy baronet. “Your father was my earliest and kindest friend. I remember you at Firebrace, a very little boy. Happy to see you again, Sir, in so eminent a position; a legislator⁠—one of our legislators. It gave me a sincere satisfaction to observe your return.”

“You are very kind, Sir Vavasour.”

“But it is a responsible position,” continued the baronet. “Think you they’ll stand? A majority. I suppose, they have; but, I conclude, in time; Sir Robert will have it in time? We must not be in a hurry; ‘the more haste’⁠—you know the rest. The country is decidedly conservative. All that we want now is a strong government, that will put all things to rights. If the poor king had lived⁠—”

“He

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