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have some ideas,” Pope said.

“Pope, there is a Marxist group in Scarsdale. I chased them out of New York City because they were infiltrating my unions there,” Conkling said. Pope picked up on the possessive used to describe New York unions, apparently of all types.

“How widespread are these Marxists in unions?”

“Too damn widespread! They believe the government ought to control everything. You work hard, a chunk of your pay goes to somebody who didn’t work hard. Or, maybe, didn’t work at all. It makes no sense.”

“This one in Scarsdale,” Pope began, “Do you think I could infiltrate it?”

“Not a chance. You scream cowboy gunfighter or copper.”

“You’re pretty perceptive. I have been both.”

“I possibly already knew you were.”

Pope smiled.

“Could a woman infiltrate the group in Scarsdale?”

“I don’t know. I have a man who is in the know up there. Let me reach out to him. How can I get in touch with you?” Conkling asked.

Pope gave him a business card with his Navy office contact information.

“Pope? How’s my friend Chet Arthur?” Conkling asked.

“I hardened the protection on both him and the President’s House. He seemed to appreciate it. He’s unaware of the threat situation. We’d like to keep him in the dark about it for now. I have only met him once. He seemed alright. I think he liked my wife better than me.”

“Haha! Sounds like my boy alright! Try not to shoot him yourself! I should take the rail down to Washington and have dinner with him. We need to mend bridges. He thinks I am mad because he appointed somebody else secretary of state. I was for a about a day. Then, I figured out how much money being out of this city would cost me. Hell, I am the worst at diplomacy. I’d tell the foreign kings and all to take a long walk on a short bridge.”

“Then, it sounds like you were what we needed as secretary of state,” Pope said, meaning every word.

“I have another meeting. Give me a day. I will check out the crazies in Scarsdale and let you know what I find,” Conkling promised.

Pope left. He headed for the train depot and found a southbound was coming through in a half hour. He bought a ticket and knew he would be home tonight.

The next day, Pope met with Lincoln and Brewster.

“I went into this interview thinking Conkling was a gangster, crooked politician and enemy of President Arthur. I came out thinking he is a gangster, probably a crooked politician, friend of the president’s, cunning, smart and a man who told me the truth.”

“John, a lot of people fear Roscoe Conkling. He fosters such an image. He is a power broker in New York. I cannot imagine how he could wield such influence without dipping into the wrong side of the law occasionally. However, I have never known him to be a liar. He feels he’s so untouchable there’s no reason to lie.

“I am sure he will report back to you about the communists or whatever they are. And, will come down and have dinner with the president who he mentored as a politician in New York,” Lincoln said.

“So, you all agree I should strike him from the suspect list?” Pope asked.

“At this point, yes. So, we have the Chinese issue with the railroads, the wood versus steel hulls, expansion and immigration all stricken. Since we are not too worried about the South rising again through the action of Southerners in Congress, the dissident groups and odd crazies are all we have left,” Brewster summarized.

“Once I get some indication about infiltrating the Marxist group in Scarsdale, I will formulate a plan. I do not believe in coincidences in an investigation. Robert hearing the argument between two men who got off the train in Scarsdale, and Conkling identifying a worrisome group in Scarsdale firm up the possibility to me,” Pope said.

He left, checked in at the President’s House security office and went home mid-afternoon. Sarah was still off conducting research on the Marxists and other groups.

When she returned, she filled him in on her findings and he told her Conkling had been candid and an all-around surprise. He said Conkling told him he would not be a good choice for insertion into the group undercover, but Conkling would find out if there were any women in the group.

True to his word, Conkling sent a somewhat vague, but useful telegram two days later. He said the group (he did not mention what group) had some women. All had Eastern European last names. People with a knowledge and interest of the subject were apparently welcome.

Sarah worked for two more days developing a cover with name, fictitious but non-verifiable family, country of origin and work experience.

She decided on Vera Petrov, a second generation Ukrainian whose late grandfather immigrated and became a coal miner in Pennsylvania. Vera did not know much about his past, nor did she speak Slavic. The grandfather would not talk about the old country, except the system was horrible and people slaved and were killed by it. She grew up thinking there was a better way for governments to treat their people, drawing her to socialism and communism. She always wanted to live in a Utopian community but could not afford to move to one.

Sarah bought plain work dresses at a department store in Washington and heavy work shoes. She bought a used satchel and cheap personal items, like hairbrushes and night gowns. May colluded by washing each several times to help age them.

After looking at some photos in books, she decided to put her long black hair in the most conservative, tight bun possible. She would carry her smaller .38 in a small purse with a few dollars. Her backup choice was a paring knife. Luckily in mid-summer, she would not need a coat.

Sara, as Vera, met Pope at the door, a smiling May behind her waiting for his reaction. He expressed his only doubt was her beauty was hard to hide,

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