An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, Adam Smith [e book reader pdf TXT] 📗
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which case, the final payment of the tax would fall altogether
upon the consumers of those goods. If he did not raise the rate
of his profit, he would be obliged to charge the whole tax upon
that part of it which was allotted for the interest of money. He
could afford less interest for whatever stock he borrowed, and
the whole weight of the tax would, in this case, fall ultimately
upon the interest of money. So far as he could not relieve
himself from the tax in the one way, he would be obliged to
relieve himself in the other.
The interest of money seems, at first sight, a subject equally
capable of being taxed directly as the rent of land. Like the
rent of land, it is a neat produce, which remains, after
completely compensating the whole risk and trouble of employing
the stock. As a tax upon the rent of land cannot raise rents,
because the neat produce which remains, after replacing the stock
of the farmer, together with his reasonable profit, cannot be
greater after the tax than before it, so, for the same reason, a
tax upon the interest of money could not raise the rate of
interest; the quantity of stock or money in the country, like the
quantity of land, being supposed to remain the same after the tax
as before it. The ordinary rate of profit, it has been shewn, in
the first book, is everywhere regulated by the quantity of stock
to be employed, in proportion to the quantity of the employment,
or of the business which must be done by it. But the quantity
of the employment, or of the business to be done by stock, could
neither be increased nor diminished by any tax upon the interest
of money. If the quantity of the stock to be employed, therefore,
was neither increased nor diminished by it, the ordinary rate of
profit would necessarily remain the same. But the portion of this
profit, necessary for compensating the risk and trouble of the
employer, would likewise remain the same ; that risk and trouble
being in no respect altered. The residue, therefore, that portion
which belongs to the owner of the stock, and which pays the
interest of money, would necessarily remain the same too. At
first sight, therefore, the interest of money seems to be a
subject as fit to be taxed directly as the rent of land.
There are, however, two different circumstances, which render the
interest of money a much less proper subject of direct taxation
than the rent of land.
First, the quantity and value of the land which any man
possesses, can never be a secret, and can always be ascertained
with great exactness. But the whole amount of the capital stock
which he possesses is almost always a secret, and can scarce ever
be ascertained with tolerable exactness. It is liable, besides,
to almost continual variations. A year seldom passes away,
frequently not a month, sometimes scarce a single day, in which
it does not rise or fall more or less. An inquisition into every
man’s private circumstances, and an inquisition which, in order
to accommodate the tax to them, watched over all the fluctuations
of his fortune, would be a source of such continual and endless
vexation as no person could support.
Secondly, land is a subject which cannot be removed; whereas
stock easily may. The proprietor of land is necessarily a citizen
of the particular country in which his estate lies. The
proprietor of stock is properly a citizen of the world, and is
not necessarily attached to any particular country. He would be
apt to abandon the country in which he was exposed to a vexatious
inquisition, in order to be assessed to a burdensome tax ; and
would remove his stock to some other country, where he could
either carry on his business, or enjoy his fortune more at his
ease. By removing his stock, he would put an end to all the
industry which it had maintained in the country which he left.
Stock cultivates land ; stock employs labour. A tax which tended
to drive away stock from any particular country, would so far
tend to dry up every source of revenue, both to the sovereign and
to the society. Not only the profits of stock, but the rent of
land, and the wages of labour, would necessarily be more or less
diminished by its removal.
The nations, accordingly, who have attempted to tax the revenue
arising from stock, instead of any severe inquisition of this
kind, have been obliged to content themselves with some very
loose, and, therefore, more or less arbitrary estimation. The
extreme inequality and uncertainty of a tax assessed in this
manner, can be compensated only by its extreme moderation; in
consequence of which, every man finds himself rated so very much
below his real revenue, that he gives himself little disturbance
though his neighbour should be rated somewhat lower.
By what is called the land tax in England, it was intended that
the stock should be taxed in the same proportion as land. When
the tax upon land was at four shillings in the pound, or at
one-fifth of the supposed rent, it was intended that stock should
be taxed at one-fifth of the supposed interest. When the present
annual land tax was first imposed, the legal rate of interest was
six per cent. Every hundred pounds stock, accordingly, was
supposed to be taxed at twentyfour shillings, the fifth part of
six pounds. Since the legal rate of interest has been reduced to
five per cent. every hundred pounds stock is supposed to be taxed
at twenty shillings only. The sum to be raised, by what is called
the land tax, was divided between the country and the principal
towns. The greater part of it was laid upon the country; and of
what was laid upon the towns, the greater part was assessed upon
the houses. What remained to be assessed upon the stock or trade
of the towns (for the stock upon the land was not meant to be
taxed) was very much below the real value of that stock or trade.
Whatever inequalities, therefore, there might be in the original
assessment, gave little disturbance. Every parish and district
still continues to be rated for its land, its houses, and its
stock, according to the original assessment; and the almost
universal prosperity of the country, which, in most places, has
raised very much the value of all these, has rendered those
inequalities of still less importance now. The rate, too, upon
each district, continuing always the same, the uncertainty of
this tax, so far as it might he assessed upon the stock of any
individual, has been very much diminished, as well as rendered of
much less consequence. If the greater part of the lands of
England are not rated to the land tax at half their actual value,
the greater part of the stock of England is, perhaps, scarce
rated at the fiftieth part of its actual value. In some towns,
the whole land tax is assessed upon houses; as in Westminster,
where stock and trade are free. It is otherwise in London.
In all countries, a severe inquisition into the circumstances of
private persons has been carefully avoided.
At Hamburg, {Memoires concernant les Droits, tom. i, p.74} every
inhabitant is obliged to pay to the state one fourth per cent. of
all that he possesses; and as the wealth of the people of Hamburg
consists principally in stock, this tax maybe considered as a tax
upon stock. Every man assesses himself, and, in the presence
of the magiatrate, puts annually into the public coffer a certain
sum of money, which he declares upon oath, to be one fourth per
cent. of all that he possesses, but without declaring what it
amounts to, or being liable to any examination upon that subject.
This tax is generally suppused to be paid with great fidelity. In
a small republic, where the people have entire confidence in
their magistrates, are convinced of the necessity of the tax for
the support of the state, and believe that it will be faithfully
applied to that purpose, such conscientious and voluntary payment
may sometimes be expected. It is not peculiar to the people of
Hamburg.
The canton of Underwald, in Switzerland, is frequently ravaged by
storms and inundations, and it is thereby exposed to
extraordinary expenses. Upon such occasions the people
assemble, and every one is said to declare with the greatest
frankness what he is worth, in order to be taxed accordingly. At
Zurich, the law orders, that in cases of necessity, every one
should be taxed in proportion to his revenue; the amount of which
he is obliged to declare upon oath. They have no suspicion, it is
said, that any of their fellow citizens will deceive them.
At Basil, the principal revenue of the state arises from a small
custom upon goods exported. All the citizens make oath, that
they will pay every three months all the taxes imposed by law.
All merchants, and even all inn-keepers, are trusted with keeping
themselves the account of the goods which they sell, either
within or without the territory. At the end of every three
months, they send this account to the treasurer, with the amount
of the tax computed at the bottom of it. It is not suspected
that the revenue suffers by this confidence.{ Memoires concernant
les Droits, tom. i p. 163, 167,171.}
To oblige every citizen to declare publicly upon oath, the amount
of his fortune, must not, it seems, in those Swiss cantons, be
reckoned a hardship. At Hamburg it would be reckoned the
greatest. Merchants engaged in the hazardous projects of trade,
all tremble at the thoughts of being obliged, at all times, to
expose the real state of their circumstances. The ruin of their
credit, and the miscarriage of their projects, they foresee,
would too often be the consequence. A sober and parsimonious
people, who are strangers to all such projects, do not feel that
they have occasion for any such concealment.
In Holland, soon after the exaltation of the late prince of
Orange to the stadtholdership, a tax of two per cent. or the
fiftieth penny, as it was called, was imposed upon the whole
substance of every citizen. Every citizen assesed himself, and
paid his tax, in the same manner as at Hamburg, and it was in
general supposed to have been paid with great fidelity. The
people had at that time the greatest affection for their new
government, which they had just established by a general
insurrection. The tax was to be paid but once, in order to
relieve the state in a particular exigency. It was, indeed, too
heavy to be permanent. In a country where the market rate of
interest seldom exceeds three per cent., a tax of two per cent.
amounts to thirteen shillings and four pence in the pound, upon
the highest neat revenue which is commonly drawn from stock. It
is a tax which very few people could pay, without encroaching
more or less upon their capitals. In a particular exigency, the
people may, from great public zeal, make a great effort, and give
up even a part of their capital, in order to relieve the state.
But it is impossible that they should continue to do so for any
considerable time; and if they did, the tax would soon ruin them
so completely, as to render them altogether incapable of
supporting the state.
The tax upon stock, imposed by the land tax bill in England,
though it is proportioned to the capital, is not intended to
diminish or, take away any part of that capital. It is meant
only to
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