The American Crisis, Thomas Paine [pdf to ebook reader TXT] 📗

Morris, Esq.” Mr. Morris sent it unopened to Congress, and advised Mr. Marshall to deliver the others there, which he did. The letters were of the same purport with those which have been already published under the signature of S. Deane, to which they had frequent reference. ↩

Deane was actually in London associating with Benedict Arnold. The extent of his treason was not known until the publication, in 1867, of George the Third’s correspondence. —⁠Conway ↩

Henry Seymour Conway, M.P. for St. Edmund’s Bury (born 1720), had been groom of the bedchamber to George II, and to George III until 1764. He had moved the repeal of the Stamp Act, while in the Privy Council of Rockingham. He was afterwards joint Secretary of State with Grafton, resigning in 1772. His fidelity to the Americans made him odious to the king. He was Governor of Jersey and defended it in 1779. “General Conway,” writes Horace Walpole, “is in the midst of the storm in a nutshell, and I know will defend himself as if he was in the strongest fortification in Flanders. I believe the Court would sacrifice the island to sacrifice him.” (Letter to Sir H. Mann, July 7, 1779.) Conway’s motion to discontinue the war in America passed Feb. 27, 1782, by 234 to 215. —⁠Conway ↩

Sir Guy Carleton⁠—a humane and just man⁠—had succeeded Sir Henry Clinton at New York. —⁠Conway ↩

The lot fell on Asgill May 27, 1782, at Lancaster, Pennsylvania; it will be seen by the date of this letter to the commander at New York that it must have been written immediately after the arrival of the news in Philadelphia. With the rest of the world Paine was ignorant of the fact that young Asgill, an officer under Cornwallis, was, by Article 14 of his chief’s terms of capitulation, exempted from liability to any such danger as that which now threatened him. On September 7th Paine ventured to write to Washington a plea for Asgill’s life, saying, “it will look much better hereafter.” The truth of which must be felt by every American who learns, after its long suppression, the ugly fact that it was only after a protest from the court of France, whose honor was also involved, that Captain Asgill was released.

It should be added that the guilt of Captain Lippencott was strenuously denied, and that the facts have never been ascertained. —⁠Conway ↩

Afterwards Lord Lansdowne, whose friendship Paine enjoyed when in England some years later. Writing to Jefferson, March 12, 1789, Paine says: “I believe I am not so much in the good graces of the Marquis of Lansdowne as I used to be⁠—I do not answer his purpose. He was always talking of a sort of reconnection of England and America, and my coldness and reserve on this subject checked communication.” —⁠Conway ↩

“These are the times that try men’s souls,” The Crisis No. I published December, 1776. ↩

That the revolution began at the exact period of time best fitted to the purpose, is sufficiently proved by the event.⁠—But the great hinge on which the whole machine turned, is the Union of the States: and this union was naturally produced by the inability of any one state to support itself against any foreign enemy without the assistance of the rest.

Had the states severally been less able than they were when the war began, their united strength would not have been equal to the undertaking, and they must in all human probability have failed.⁠—And, on the other hand, had they severally been more able, they might not have seen, or, what is more, might not have felt, the necessity of uniting: and, either by attempting to stand alone or in small confederacies, would have been separately conquered.

Now, as we cannot see a time (and many years must pass away before it can arrive) when the strength of any one state, or several united, can be equal to the whole of the present United States, and as we have seen the extreme difficulty of collectively prosecuting the war to a successful issue, and preserving our national importance in the world, therefore, from the experience we have had, and the knowledge we have gained, we must, unless we make a waste of wisdom, be strongly impressed with the advantage, as well as the necessity of strengthening that happy union which had been our salvation, and without which we should have been a ruined people.

While I was writing this note, I cast my eye on the pamphlet, Common Sense, from which I shall make an extract, as it exactly applies to the case. It is as follows:

“I have never met with a man, either in England or America, who has not confessed it as his opinion that a separation between the countries would take place one time or other; and there is no instance in which we have shown less judgment, than in endeavoring to describe what we call the ripeness or fitness of the continent for independence.

“As all men allow the measure, and differ only in their opinion of the time, let us, in order to remove mistakes, take a general survey of things, and endeavor, if possible, to find out the very time. But we need not to go far, the inquiry ceases at once, for, the time has found us. The general concurrence, the glorious union of all things prove the fact.

“It is not in numbers, but in a union, that our great strength lies. The continent is just arrived at that pitch of strength, in which no single colony is able to support itself, and the whole, when united, can accomplish the matter; and either more or less than this, might be fatal in its effects.” ↩

This referred only to the previous two years; before that Paine had been Secretary of