History of the Peloponnesian War, Thucydides [best free ebook reader TXT] 📗
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altar; and they were thus parted without his being struck. Meanwhile
the fort built by Tissaphernes in Miletus was surprised and taken by
the Milesians, and the garrison in it turned out—an act which met
with the approval of the rest of the allies, and in particular of the
Syracusans, but which found no favour with Lichas, who said moreover
that the Milesians and the rest in the King’s country ought to show
a reasonable submission to Tissaphernes and to pay him court, until
the war should be happily settled. The Milesians were angry with him
for this and for other things of the kind, and upon his afterwards
dying of sickness, would not allow him to be buried where the
Lacedaemonians with the army desired.
The discontent of the army with Astyochus and Tissaphernes had
reached this pitch, when Mindarus arrived from Lacedaemon to succeed
Astyochus as admiral, and assumed the command. Astyochus now set
sail for home; and Tissaphernes sent with him one of his confidants,
Gaulites, a Carian, who spoke the two languages, to complain of the
Milesians for the affair of the fort, and at the same time to defend
himself against the Milesians, who were, as he was aware, on their way
to Sparta chiefly to denounce his conduct, and had with them
Hermocrates, who was to accuse Tissaphernes of joining with Alcibiades
to ruin the Peloponnesian cause and of playing a double game. Indeed
Hermocrates had always been at enmity with him about the pay not being
restored in full; and eventually when he was banished from Syracuse,
and new commanders—Potamis, Myscon, and Demarchus—had come out to
Miletus to the ships of the Syracusans, Tissaphernes, pressed harder
than ever upon him in his exile, and among other charges against him
accused him of having once asked him for money, and then given himself
out as his enemy because he failed to obtain it.
While Astyochus and the Milesians and Hermocrates made sail for
Lacedaemon, Alcibiades had now crossed back from Tissaphernes to
Samos. After his return the envoys of the Four Hundred sent, as has
been mentioned above, to pacify and explain matters to the forces at
Samos, arrived from Delos; and an assembly was held in which they
attempted to speak. The soldiers at first would not hear them, and
cried out to put to death the subverters of the democracy, but at
last, after some difficulty, calmed down and gave them a hearing. Upon
this the envoys proceeded to inform them that the recent change had
been made to save the city, and not to ruin it or to deliver it over
to the enemy, for they had already had an opportunity of doing this
when he invaded the country during their government; that all the Five
Thousand would have their proper share in the government; and that
their hearers’ relatives had neither outrage, as Chaereas had
slanderously reported, nor other ill treatment to complain of, but
were all in undisturbed enjoyment of their property just as they had
left them. Besides these they made a number of other statements
which had no better success with their angry auditors; and amid a host
of different opinions the one which found most favour was that of
sailing to Piraeus. Now it was that Alcibiades for the first time
did the state a service, and one of the most signal kind. For when the
Athenians at Samos were bent upon sailing against their countrymen, in
which case Ionia and the Hellespont would most certainly at once
have passed into possession of the enemy, Alcibiades it was who
prevented them. At that moment, when no other man would have been able
to hold back the multitude, he put a stop to the intended
expedition, and rebuked and turned aside the resentment felt, on
personal grounds, against the envoys; he dismissed them with an answer
from himself, to the effect that he did not object to the government
of the Five Thousand, but insisted that the Four Hundred should be
deposed and the Council of Five Hundred reinstated in power: meanwhile
any retrenchments for economy, by which pay might be better found
for the armament, met with his entire approval. Generally, he bade
them hold out and show a bold face to the enemy, since if the city
were saved there was good hope that the two parties might some day
be reconciled, whereas if either were once destroyed, that at Samos,
or that at Athens, there would no longer be any one to be reconciled
to. Meanwhile arrived envoys from the Argives, with offers of
support to the Athenian commons at Samos: these were thanked by
Alcibiades, and dismissed with a request to come when called upon. The
Argives were accompanied by the crew of the Paralus, whom we left
placed in a troopship by the Four Hundred with orders to cruise
round Euboea, and who being employed to carry to Lacedaemon some
Athenian envoys sent by the Four Hundred—Laespodias, Aristophon, and
Melesias—as they sailed by Argos laid hands upon the envoys, and
delivering them over to the Argives as the chief subverters of the
democracy, themselves, instead of returning to Athens, took the Argive
envoys on board, and came to Samos in the galley which had been
confided to them.
The same summer at the time that the return of Alcibiades coupled
with the general conduct of Tissaphernes had carried to its height the
discontent of the Peloponnesians, who no longer entertained any
doubt of his having joined the Athenians, Tissaphernes wishing, it
would seem, to clear himself to them of these charges, prepared to
go after the Phoenician fleet to Aspendus, and invited Lichas to go
with him; saying that he would appoint Tamos as his lieutenant to
provide pay for the armament during his own absence. Accounts
differ, and it is not easy to ascertain with what intention he went to
Aspendus, and did not bring the fleet after all. That one hundred
and forty-seven Phoenician ships came as far as Aspendus is certain;
but why they did not come on has been variously accounted for. Some
think that he went away in pursuance of his plan of wasting the
Peloponnesian resources, since at any rate Tamos, his lieutenant,
far from being any better, proved a worse paymaster than himself:
others that he brought the Phoenicians to Aspendus to exact money from
them for their discharge, having never intended to employ them: others
again that it was in view of the outcry against him at Lacedaemon,
in order that it might be said that he was not in fault, but that
the ships were really manned and that he had certainly gone to fetch
them. To myself it seems only too evident that he did not bring up the
fleet because he wished to wear out and paralyse the Hellenic
forces, that is, to waste their strength by the time lost during his
journey to Aspendus, and to keep them evenly balanced by not
throwing his weight into either scale. Had he wished to finish the
war, he could have done so, assuming of course that he made his
appearance in a way which left no room for doubt; as by bringing up
the fleet he would in all probability have given the victory to the
Lacedaemonians, whose navy, even as it was, faced the Athenian more as
an equal than as an inferior. But what convicts him most clearly, is
the excuse which he put forward for not bringing the ships. He said
that the number assembled was less than the King had ordered; but
surely it would only have enhanced his credit if he spent little of
the King’s money and effected the same end at less cost. In any
case, whatever was his intention, Tissaphernes went to Aspendus and
saw the Phoenicians; and the Peloponnesians at his desire sent a
Lacedaemonian called Philip with two galleys to fetch the fleet.
Alcibiades finding that Tissaphernes had gone to Aspendus, himself
sailed thither with thirteen ships, promising to do a great and
certain service to the Athenians at Samos, as he would either bring
the Phoenician fleet to the Athenians, or at all events prevent its
joining the Peloponnesians. In all probability he had long known
that Tissaphernes never meant to bring the fleet at all, and wished to
compromise him as much as possible in the eyes of the Peloponnesians
through his apparent friendship for himself and the Athenians, and
thus in a manner to oblige him to join their side.
While Alcibiades weighed anchor and sailed eastward straight for
Phaselis and Caunus, the envoys sent by the Four Hundred to Samos
arrived at Athens. Upon their delivering the message from
Alcibiades, telling them to hold out and to show a firm front to the
enemy, and saying that he had great hopes of reconciling them with the
army and of overcoming the Peloponnesians, the majority of the members
of the oligarchy, who were already discontented and only too much
inclined to be quit of the business in any safe way that they could,
were at once greatly strengthened in their resolve. These now banded
together and strongly criticized the administration, their leaders
being some of the principal generals and men in office under the
oligarchy, such as Theramenes, son of Hagnon, Aristocrates, son of
Scellias, and others; who, although among the most prominent members
of the government (being afraid, as they said, of the army at Samos,
and most especially of Alcibiades, and also lest the envoys whom
they had sent to Lacedaemon might do the state some harm without the
authority of the people), without insisting on objections to the
excessive concentration of power in a few hands, yet urged that the
Five Thousand must be shown to exist not merely in name but in
reality, and the constitution placed upon a fairer basis. But this was
merely their political cry; most of them being driven by private
ambition into the line of conduct so surely fatal to oligarchies
that arise out of democracies. For all at once pretend to be not
only equals but each the chief and master of his fellows; while
under a democracy a disappointed candidate accepts his defeat more
easily, because he has not the humiliation of being beaten by his
equals. But what most clearly encouraged the malcontents was the power
of Alcibiades at Samos, and their own disbelief in the stability of
the oligarchy; and it was now a race between them as to which should
first become the leader of the commons.
Meanwhile the leaders and members of the Four Hundred most opposed
to a democratic form of government—Phrynichus who had had the
quarrel with Alcibiades during his command at Samos, Aristarchus the
bitter and inveterate enemy of the commons, and Pisander and
Antiphon and others of the chiefs who already as soon as they
entered upon power, and again when the army at Samos seceded from them
and declared for a democracy, had sent envoys from their own body to
Lacedaemon and made every effort for peace, and had built the wall
in Eetionia—now redoubled their exertions when their envoys returned
from Samos, and they saw not only the people but their own most
trusted associates turning against them. Alarmed at the state of
things at Athens as at Samos, they now sent off in haste Antiphon
and Phrynichus and ten others with injunctions to make peace with
Lacedaemon upon any terms, no matter what, that should be at all
tolerable. Meanwhile they pushed on more actively than ever with the
wall in Eetionia. Now the meaning of this wall, according to
Theramenes and his supporters, was not so much to keep out the army of
Samos, in case of its trying to force its way into Piraeus, as to be
able to let in, at pleasure, the fleet and army
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