History of the Peloponnesian War, Thucydides [best free ebook reader TXT] 📗
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extremity of each wing. The Thebans formed twenty-five shields deep,
the rest as they pleased. Such was the strength and disposition of the
Boeotian army.
On the side of the Athenians, the heavy infantry throughout the
whole army formed eight deep, being in numbers equal to the enemy,
with the cavalry upon the two wings. Light troops regularly armed
there were none in the army, nor had there ever been any at Athens.
Those who had joined in the invasion, though many times more
numerous than those of the enemy, had mostly followed unarmed, as part
of the levy in mass of the citizens and foreigners at Athens, and
having started first on their way home were not present in any number.
The armies being now in line and upon the point of engaging,
Hippocrates, the general, passed along the Athenian ranks, and
encouraged them as follows:
“Athenians, I shall only say a few words to you, but brave men
require no more, and they are addressed more to your understanding
than to your courage. None of you must fancy that we are going out
of our way to run this risk in the country of another. Fought in their
territory the battle will be for ours: if we conquer, the
Peloponnesians will never invade your country without the Boeotian
horse, and in one battle you will win Boeotia and in a manner free
Attica. Advance to meet them then like citizens of a country in
which you all glory as the first in Hellas, and like sons of the
fathers who beat them at Oenophyta with Myronides and thus gained
possession of Boeotia.”
Hippocrates had got half through the army with his exhortation, when
the Boeotians, after a few more hasty words from Pagondas, struck up
the paean, and came against them from the hill; the Athenians
advancing to meet them, and closing at a run. The extreme wing of
neither army came into action, one like the other being stopped by the
water-courses in the way; the rest engaged with the utmost
obstinacy, shield against shield. The Boeotian left, as far as the
centre, was worsted by the Athenians. The Thespians in that part of
the field suffered most severely. The troops alongside them having
given way, they were surrounded in a narrow space and cut down
fighting hand to hand; some of the Athenians also fell into
confusion in surrounding the enemy and mistook and so killed each
other. In this part of the field the Boeotians were beaten, and
retreated upon the troops still fighting; but the right, where the
Thebans were, got the better of the Athenians and shoved them
further and further back, though gradually at first. It so happened
also that Pagondas, seeing the distress of his left, had sent two
squadrons of horse, where they could not be seen, round the hill,
and their sudden appearance struck a panic into the victorious wing of
the Athenians, who thought that it was another army coming against
them. At length in both parts of the field, disturbed by this panic,
and with their line broken by the advancing Thebans, the whole
Athenian army took to flight. Some made for Delium and the sea, some
for Oropus, others for Mount Parnes, or wherever they had hopes of
safety, pursued and cut down by the Boeotians, and in particular by
the cavalry, composed partly of Boeotians and partly of Locrians,
who had come up just as the rout began. Night however coming on to
interrupt the pursuit, the mass of the fugitives escaped more easily
than they would otherwise have done. The next day the troops at Oropus
and Delium returned home by sea, after leaving a garrison in the
latter place, which they continued to hold notwithstanding the defeat.
The Boeotians set up a trophy, took up their own dead, and
stripped those of the enemy, and leaving a guard over them retired
to Tanagra, there to take measures for attacking Delium. Meanwhile a
herald came from the Athenians to ask for the dead, but was met and
turned back by a Boeotian herald, who told him that he would effect
nothing until the return of himself the Boeotian herald, and who
then went on to the Athenians, and told them on the part of the
Boeotians that they had done wrong in transgressing the law of the
Hellenes. Of what use was the universal custom protecting the
temples in an invaded country, if the Athenians were to fortify Delium
and live there, acting exactly as if they were on unconsecrated
ground, and drawing and using for their purposes the water which they,
the Boeotians, never touched except for sacred uses? Accordingly for
the god as well as for themselves, in the name of the deities
concerned, and of Apollo, the Boeotians invited them first to evacuate
the temple, if they wished to take up the dead that belonged to them.
After these words from the herald, the Athenians sent their own
herald to the Boeotians to say that they had not done any wrong to the
temple, and for the future would do it no more harm than they could
help; not having occupied it originally in any such design, but to
defend themselves from it against those who were really wronging them.
The law of the Hellenes was that conquest of a country, whether more
or less extensive, carried with it possession of the temples in that
country, with the obligation to keep up the usual ceremonies, at least
as far as possible. The Boeotians and most other people who had turned
out the owners of a country, and put themselves in their places by
force, now held as of right the temples which they originally
entered as usurpers. If the Athenians could have conquered more of
Boeotia this would have been the case with them: as things stood,
the piece of it which they had got they should treat as their own, and
not quit unless obliged. The water they had disturbed under the
impulsion of a necessity which they had not wantonly incurred,
having been forced to use it in defending themselves against the
Boeotians who first invaded Attica. Besides, anything done under the
pressure of war and danger might reasonably claim indulgence even in
the eye of the god; or why, pray, were the altars the asylum for
involuntary offences? Transgression also was a term applied to
presumptuous offenders, not to the victims of adverse circumstances.
In short, which were most impious—the Boeotians who wished to barter
dead bodies for holy places, or the Athenians who refused to give up
holy places to obtain what was theirs by right? The condition of
evacuating Boeotia must therefore be withdrawn. They were no longer in
Boeotia. They stood where they stood by the right of the sword. All
that the Boeotians had to do was to tell them to take up their dead
under a truce according to the national custom.
The Boeotians replied that if they were in Boeotia, they must
evacuate that country before taking up their dead; if they were in
their own territory, they could do as they pleased: for they knew
that, although the Oropid where the bodies as it chanced were lying
(the battle having been fought on the borders) was subject to
Athens, yet the Athenians could not get them without their leave.
Besides, why should they grant a truce for Athenian ground? And what
could be fairer than to tell them to evacuate Boeotia if they wished
to get what they asked? The Athenian herald accordingly returned
with this answer, without having accomplished his object.
Meanwhile the Boeotians at once sent for darters and slingers from
the Malian Gulf, and with two thousand Corinthian heavy infantry who
had joined them after the battle, the Peloponnesian garrison which had
evacuated Nisaea, and some Megarians with them, marched against
Delium, and attacked the fort, and after divers efforts finally
succeeded in taking it by an engine of the following description. They
sawed in two and scooped out a great beam from end to end, and fitting
it nicely together again like a pipe, hung by chains a cauldron at one
extremity, with which communicated an iron tube projecting from the
beam, which was itself in great part plated with iron. This they
brought up from a distance upon carts to the part of the wall
principally composed of vines and timber, and when it was near,
inserted huge bellows into their end of the beam and blew with them.
The blast passing closely confined into the cauldron, which was filled
with lighted coals, sulphur and pitch, made a great blaze, and set
fire to the wall, which soon became untenable for its defenders, who
left it and fled; and in this way the fort was taken. Of the
garrison some were killed and two hundred made prisoners; most of
the rest got on board their ships and returned home.
Soon after the fall of Delium, which took place seventeen days after
the battle, the Athenian herald, without knowing what had happened,
came again for the dead, which were now restored by the Boeotians, who
no longer answered as at first. Not quite five hundred Boeotians
fell in the battle, and nearly one thousand Athenians, including
Hippocrates the general, besides a great number of light troops and
camp followers.
Soon after this battle Demosthenes, after the failure of his
voyage to Siphae and of the plot on the town, availed himself of the
Acarnanian and Agraean troops and of the four hundred Athenian heavy
infantry which he had on board, to make a descent on the Sicyonian
coast. Before however all his ships had come to shore, the
Sicyonians came up and routed and chased to their ships those that had
landed, killing some and taking others prisoners; after which they set
up a trophy, and gave back the dead under truce.
About the same time with the affair of Delium took place the death
of Sitalces, king of the Odrysians, who was defeated in battle, in a
campaign against the Triballi; Seuthes, son of Sparadocus, his nephew,
succeeding to the kingdom of the Odrysians, and of the rest of
Thrace ruled by Sitalces.
The same winter Brasidas, with his allies in the Thracian places,
marched against Amphipolis, the Athenian colony on the river
Strymon. A settlement upon the spot on which the city now stands was
before attempted by Aristagoras, the Milesian (when he fled from
King Darius), who was however dislodged by the Edonians; and
thirty-two years later by the Athenians, who sent thither ten thousand
settlers of their own citizens, and whoever else chose to go. These
were cut off at Drabescus by the Thracians. Twenty-nine years after,
the Athenians returned (Hagnon, son of Nicias, being sent out as
leader of the colony) and drove out the Edonians, and founded a town
on the spot, formerly called Ennea Hodoi or Nine Ways. The base from
which they started was Eion, their commercial seaport at the mouth
of the river, not more than three miles from the present town, which
Hagnon named Amphipolis, because the Strymon flows round it on two
sides, and he built it so as to be conspicuous from the sea and land
alike, running a long wall across from river to river, to complete the
circumference.
Brasidas now marched against this town, starting from Arne in
Chalcidice. Arriving about dusk at Aulon and Bromiscus, where the lake
of Bolbe runs into the sea, he supped there, and went on during the
night. The weather was stormy and it was snowing a little, which
encouraged him to hurry on, in order, if possible, to take every one
at Amphipolis by surprise, except the party who were to betray it. The
plot was carried on by some natives
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